Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations: New Collection Covers Liberalism, Emancipation, and the Atlantic WorldHistorians in the News
tags: book review, Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations
Adriana Chira is Assistant Professor of Atlantic World History at Emory University. Her first book project, Becoming Free of Color: Popular Racial Thought in Cuba, 1791-1868, explores vernacular ideologies of race in the eastern province of Santiago, home of the first official Cuban ideal of “racial confraternity” during the War of Independence from Spain (1868-1898). She received her Ph.D. at the University of Michigan, an M.A. from Cornell University, and a B.A. from Cambridge University, UK.
George Hackett’s trajectory simmered with the tensions that defined the Age of Emancipations. Hackett was born at the turn of the nineteenth century at a political crossroads—in Baltimore, an Atlantic port city connecting the US North, where gradual emancipation was underway, with an expanding plantation-based southern economy. Coming into the world in 1806, he would have grown up hearing radical liberal promises of inclusion. But as a mature man, he would have also learnt how such promises could fail. Hackett would have witnessed one arc of the nineteenth century; while the century began with Haitian independence, it closed with brutal policies of exclusion across most post-emancipation societies. With a new export boom taking place in the Global South after the 1850s, elites doubled down their efforts to access cheap labor by instituting new regimes of coercion, supposedly in the name of progress. If promises of equality to Afro-descendants had marked the late eighteenth century, one hundred years later, across American societies, governments approached equality as a horizon that would become accessible only once the socially marginalized were “prepared.” But Hackett did not just watch this arc happen before his eyes. Indeed, his story disturbs this seemingly straightforward teleology, because it reveals the world of struggle that Afro-descendants put up to create fissures within an incredibly resilient political-economic system of exploitation. As a sailor and steward, Hackett travelled from Mexico, to Cuba, Brazil, and Chile. Throughout, he learnt about the legal openings that Afro-descendants across the Western Hemisphere had created for themselves, an experience that likely shaped his understanding of rights in the US. At a time when the US Supreme Court denied African Americans citizenship, Hackett and other African Americans in Baltimore used the courts to advocate for a more expansive definition of citizenship. He fueled his political activism by drawing on his diasporic experiences and held hopes that national citizenship could be a site for self-realization.
George Hackett’s times, as presented to us by Martha S. Jones, were permeated by a question that is imbedded within the Age of Emancipations: how to create liberal democratic societies out of Atlantic worlds of slavery. Hackett sought to find a place for himself in a world that simultaneously promoted advancements and restrictions. Jones’s chapter belongs to the edited volume, Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations, which explores precisely this tension. With chapters covering a broad geographic expanse (including the North and South Atlantic), the volume shows how Afro-descendants across the Western Hemisphere engaged with new liberal ideologies of inclusion while countering elite efforts to restrict the political openings created by these ideologies. The editors, Whitney Nell Stewart and John Garrison Marks, lay out the agenda for the volume in the introduction.
There is a relatively vast Atlanticist historiography on the nineteenth century that has focused on the roots of capitalism within plantation slavery, an angle that emphasizes capitalism’s racialized nature. The editors aim to provide a counterpart to this approach by exploring the nineteenth century from the vantage point of political and socio-legal history–a time when Afro-descendants were not just objects to ever new regimes of economic coercion, but also subjects who shaped debates about the nature of national citizenship and put forth their own models of political inclusion.
Traditionally, historians working on the Age of Emancipations have not made as extensive a use of Atlanticist methods as those focusing on the Age of Revolution. At first sight, emancipation is an issue tied to national citizenship or empire-specific restructurings. However, even when they focus on one locale, the volume’s contributors show that emancipation was an Atlantic phenomenon. Individuals and communities took note of events occurring at other sites, drawing inspiration from them for their own endeavors. It is such circulations and observations that would yield lasting diasporic imaginings.
The volume is organized around four core themes–mobility, law, labor, and the public sphere; many of the chapters, however, cut across several of these categories. The topic of mobility has been central to Atlanticist histories of slavery and emancipation. The three contributions in this category address primarily the openings that mobility afforded some Afro-descended people. Matthew Spooner explores how wartime chaos created opportunities for enslaved people who lived below the Mason and Dixon line; they could flee in pursuit of more autonomy. Such movement blurred the boundaries between slavery and freedom in the era of the War of Independence. But according to Spooner, the outcome was not necessarily the demise of the institution of slavery, nor its re-entrenchment. Rather it was tense co-existence between freedom ideologies, which persisted in the cracks created by the revolutionary turmoil, and slaveholders’ violent reactions. Andrew Wegmann argues that African American migration to Liberia was not the outcome of coercive policies instantiated by state governments and the American Colonization Society alone. Migrants were often relatively well-to-do and saw “their lives in Africa as extensions of their lives in the United States.” With one exception: “this time they could be the leaders” (43). Ikuko Asaka focuses on African Americans fleeing slavery in the US and seeking refuge in Canada, where they used the press to claim the same rights as European exiles and refugees from the 1848 movements. Through this comparison, not only did they describe the institution of slavery as oppressive and unjust, but they also likened themselves to European political radicals.
comments powered by Disqus
- When Jim Crow Reigned Amid the Rubble of Nazi Germany
- Why Suburban American Homeowners Were Accused of Being a 'Profit-Making Cartel' in the 1970s
- Animals large and small once covered North America’s prairies – and in some places, they could again
- Library of Congress acquires major archive of African American photographer Shawn Walker
- A farm boy became a fearsome warrior at Iwo Jima. And he did it with a flamethrower.
- Trump and the Christians: Evangelical historian John Fea on decoding the great paradox
- Six historians weigh in on the biggest misconceptions about black history
- Renowned presidential historian Doris Kearns Goodwin finally takes on George Washington
- Legal Historian Jed Shugerman Says William Barr's Actions Are "Remarkably Not Normal"
- Historian Ruth Ben-Ghiat Quoted in Washington Post Article on Trump's Quest to Rewrite History